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Biafran Day: Police beef up security in Imo
Fidelis Soriwei
Police have beefed up security at the country home of the founder of the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra, Chief Ralph Uwazuruike, Okwe.
The action is coming against the backdrop of preparations for the remembrance of the defunct Biafran Republic on August 26 by MASSOB.
A police source who confided in Sunday Punch revealed that the State Police Command would not want to be taken unawares about any move by MASSOB to persuade people to sit at home on the 26th of August, the date set aside for the remembrance of the Biafran struggle.
Our correspondent learnt that the massive deployment of policemen in the area was as a result of a crusade by a religious group.
It is tagged ‘10th Edition 2005 - All Igbo Race Prayer Summit’ and slated for the Grasshoppers International Stadium, Owerri on Saturday.
The deployment followed a police operation order No.9/2005, dated 10th of August, 2005 and signed by the Assistant Commissioner of Police in charge of operations in the state, Mr. Nicholas Nkemdeme.
It alleged that MASSOB was hiding under a religious cloak to scuttle economic activities in the state.
The order stated that the organisation planned to divert the attention of security agents and embark on a process of sensitisation of people in the churches, the motor parks, market union and meetings, with a view to disrupting commercial activities in the South-East geopolitical zone.
About 1,581 policemen from three sectors of the command under an Assistant Commissioner of Police are being supervised by the State Commissioner of Police, Mr. Hezekiah Dimka.
The heavy police presence in the area has forced many residents to flee from the community in fear of any breakdown of law and order and police arrest.
Last year, on August 26, MASSOB had called on the people of the South-East geopolitical zone and their kith and kin in the diaspora to sit at home to observe the Biafran Day, which was given a total honour by the Igbo people.
However, the spokesman of the organisation, Uchenna Madu, who spoke in a telephone interview with our correspondent on Saturday, said that the movement would ‘not declare another sit at home protest to mark the Biafran struggle this year because the struggle had got to the fifth stage.”
He said that the preoccupation of MASSOB would be to ensure effective spread of the Biafran currency, stressing that the success of the fifth stage of the struggle would be realised by the Nigerian public soon.
He explained that the police decided to deploy their men to the MASSOB stronghold because of the belief that the organisation was planning another ‘sit-at-home’ protest which he said was not true.
When our correspondent contacted the Public Relations Officer of the Imo State Police Command, Mr. Isah Mohammed, a Deputy Superintendent of Police, he confirmed the police presence in the area, saying it was meant to prevent a breakdown of law and order.
SUNDAY PUNCH, August 21, 2005
___________________ Biafra is inevitable.Illegitimis nil carborundum. Posts: 760 | From: europe | Registered: Jan 2005
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Much as I applaud Massob for the efforts their efforts so far, I can't help but fault the August 26 and Biafra day. You see, I think it is irresponsible to have Biafra day on any month but May. The Progrom which resulted in the deaths of million's of UmuIgbo began to all intents and purposes in the month May.
I am uncomfortable in the fact that May is being usurped simply because on a day in August, Umu Igbo answered the call of Massob to stay at home.
You can understand attempts by others to sweep the killing of UmuIgbo under the carpet, but we should not sweep it under the carpet as this attempt by Massob is wont to do.
Biafra day must be a day in May!Posts: 585 | From: London. | Registered: Mar 2001
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You read my mind. When the date (26th August) was arrived at, I found myself struggling to see the relevance of said date or even month to Igbo history. However, let us always bear in mind that MASSOB is a largely underground movement + the choice of date may be to a large extent purely due to reasons of logistics. As much as a day should be set aside with a high level of significance to our struggle (for instance in May as you suggested), I fear that may not necessarily be possible given the restrictions that MASSOB has to contend with. Suffice it to say that by setting a date (in whatever month) we can at the very least bring to the fore the suffering/struggle of our people, which is the whole point really. When we achieve our highly desired aim of extrication from that country we would then have the liberty to select a more apt date – one that fully encapsulates our ‘Igboness’.
___________________ Free Uwazurike Now!
Now is the winter of our discontent...made glorious summer by this [rising] sun of York. Posts: 325 | From: London | Registered: Jul 2005
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August 26 is NOT Biafra Day. It has never been, and it will not be. Biafra Day is May 30. BLM will oppose any effort by any group to move Biafra Day from May to any other month.
BLM supported the 2004 August 26 stay at home protest championed by MASSOB. But, we will vehemently oppose any effort to misappropriate Biafra Day from May 30.
quote:I hear you. The problem which I have with your argument is that we should never let our people forget what we faced.-Wacko
Nwanne, I doubt that Nd’Igbo would ever forget the atrocities especially since MASSOB is now involved. That name is synonymous with the suffering + hope of our people. No one can possibly hear the name + think of anything else.
quote:The symbolism which August 26 encampsulates is simply that that was the day Igbo people affirmed that Massob has their full support.-Wacko
This continued support stems from the suffering + hope which MASSOB represents + not for MASSOB in itself. Nd’Igbo stayed away from their businesses, willingly denied themselves any takings on the day (incredible self-denial for one of Igbo extraction) in remembrance of our war dead, with hope for better times + in utter disgust at the preponderance of the North in the affairs of that country.
quote:I think it can be called any thing but not Biafra or Igbo day.-Wacko
quote: August 26 is NOT Biafra Day. It has never been, and it will not be. Biafra Day is May 30. - BLM
That is not in dispute. We are talking about two entirely separate – yet connected – celebrations. I do not think this is an attempt by MASSOB to re-write history or move the date of Biafra Day. This is purely yet another example of MASSOB expressing a determination to remain significant in a climate artificially engineered to keep it from being so. This was done in the form of the issuance of the stay-at-home 'order', the anniversary of which is in August.
___________________ Free Uwazurike Now!
Now is the winter of our discontent...made glorious summer by this [rising] sun of York. Posts: 325 | From: London | Registered: Jul 2005
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There is wisdom in Wacko's suggestion to have this celebration in the month of May since that's the period the barbaric pogrom of Ndigbo by the northern jihadists started. Whether this Yoruba man who is slowly inviting his martyrdom knows it or not, the Biafran story cannot be buried in antiquity. It matters not how many security apparatuses are deployed to the country home of Commander Ralph Uwazurike, our history cannot be embezzled by obasanjo or any awusa islamists at that.
___________________ BIAFRA: The land of my ancestors now, yesterday and always. So it will be! Posts: 2483 | From: Ala Igbo | Registered: Apr 2004
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___________________ Awo's political idea was based on the assumption that any town beyond Owo was Igbo or Hausa. Awo was not socialised; he was not a good mixer because he did not have the opportunity, which the secondary school offered. ~TOS Benson, Baba Oba of Lagos Posts: 2644 | From: United Kingdom | Registered: Apr 2001
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Many thanks to you for making the historic date of May 30th, 1967 available to us. Ladies and gents, there you have it in black and white so let the responsible party pass the info back to the organizers of this Biafran Day celeb to hang on till May of coming year.
___________________ BIAFRA: The land of my ancestors now, yesterday and always. So it will be! Posts: 2483 | From: Ala Igbo | Registered: Apr 2004
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Yes I agree. when I saw the date 26 august I was wondering what happened on 26th August, what is the significance to Biafra. I could not think of any. The significance of 30 May is stiking and Known to all. 26 August should rather be MASSOB day.
But still I am happy that we do have a Biafra day no matter on what date. Igboblood hit the nail on the head with his
quote: let us always bear in mind that MASSOB is a largely underground movement + the choice of date may be to a large extent purely due to reasons of logistics. As much as a day should be set aside with a high level of significance to our struggle (for instance in May as you suggested), I fear that may not necessarily be possible given the restrictions that MASSOB has to contend with. Suffice it to say that by setting a date (in whatever month) we can at the very least bring to the fore the suffering/struggle of our people, which is the whole point really. When we achieve our highly desired aim of extrication from that country we would then have the liberty to select a more apt date – one that fully encapsulates our ‘Igboness’.--IgboBlood
This does not mean we could ever forget the Holocaust unleashed on us Igbo, as is Wacko`s fear. I dont think we Igbo can ever forget because we are still being constantly reminded and it is being rubbed under our nose in the perversion called Nigeria.
___________________ Biafra is inevitable.Illegitimis nil carborundum. Posts: 760 | From: europe | Registered: Jan 2005
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Malnourished Biafran kids who were innocent victims of Awo, gowon, enahoro etc use of hunger as a weapon. Only in nigeria.
If the islamic north and their colluders in the west had hoped that we would forget they better start hoping on something else like the inevitable collapse of that worthless system. I don't see why folks who rarely get along want to remain as an indivisible unit, under what basis? Hail BIAFRA!!
___________________ BIAFRA: The land of my ancestors now, yesterday and always. So it will be! Posts: 2483 | From: Ala Igbo | Registered: Apr 2004
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All: Since it is the modus-operandi of some on this board to from time to time use misinformation and propaganda to sell their Biafra message, let it be known by all of you who indulge in this shameless revisionism of Igbo history that Igbo generations unborn will not forgive you if you continue in your MISGUIDED misson. Its abominable that some in a desperate attempt to "actulaization Biafra" could descend as low as making up dates and changinging the events that affected every Igbo household for their selfish ends. The spirits of those Igbos who were brutally helmed in their primes will not forgive me if I allow you self-proclaimed die-hard Biafrans who clearly do not know your history to trivilize what is untrivalizable, ie, the Igbo history. Hence, I cant help than to chip in at this juncture to put the records straight as to why Nd'Igbo worldwide remember their dead in the month of September, not May nor August as being peddled here. Because unlike the sentiments being displayed by the neo-Biafreans, what we commemorate (not "celebrate" as some have written in their submissions) is clearly recorded in most pre-war Nigerian history books and deeply rooted in the psyche of every Igbo man and woman, irrespective of his/her today's religious or political persuassion.
Let me sate here without any fear of contradiction that the there has NEVER been any day in Igbo calendar known as 'Biafran day' (reason why the 30th of May 2005 and those before it passed without any activity(ies) in the Igbo communities at home or in the diaspora). So it's simply childish and wicked for any revisionist to wake up in August to suggest that because most Igbos obeyed last year's stay-at-home order (the reason why most Igbos obeyed that order has been subject of debate ever since then anyway), that that makes August the 26th a historically important date in the Igbo calender. FACT IS THAT IT IS SIMPLY NOT TRUE!
Just as said above, the month of September, begining from 27 to the 29th to be precise means everything to any Igbo who knows his/her history. Because it was on those days that the scorge-earth Rwanda-style post Northern-led coup massacre that consummed over 30.000 Igbo lives (the exact figure is still being debated till date) took place in Nigeria.
It is those dark days in September which the Igbo people at home and in the diaspora commemorate in memory of their brothers and sister dead which is known worldwide as 'IGBO DAY'. Those events are recorded in most history books and in the archives of most western governments and non-governmental organizations' websites. Like this below culled from the U.S. State Department Archives.
Enjoy: ----------------------------------------
Biafra War
In July 1966 northern Nigerian officers and army units staged a coup. The Muslim officers named thirty-one-year- old Lieutenant Colonel (later Major General) Yakubu "Jack" Gowon, a Christian from a small ethnic group (the Anga) in the middle belt, as a compromise candidate to head the Federal Military Government (FMG). A young and relatively obscure officer serving as army chief of staff, Gowon had not been involved in the coup, but he enjoyed wide support among northern troops who subsequently insisted that he be given a position in the ruling body. Throughout the remainder of 1966 and into 1967, the FMG sought to convene a constituent assembly for revision of the constitution that might enable an early return to civilian rule. Nonetheless, the tempo of violence increased. In September attacks on Igbo in the north were renewed with unprecedented ferocity, stirred up by Muslim traditionalists with the connivance, Eastern Region leaders believed, of northern political leaders. The army was sharply divided along regional lines. Reports circulated that troops from the Northern Region had participated in the mayhem. The estimated number of deaths ranged as high as 30,000, although the figure was probably closer to 8,000 to 10,000. More than 1 million Igbo returned to the Eastern Region. In retaliation, some northerners were massacred in Port Harcourt and other eastern cities, and a counterexodus of non-Igbo was under way. The Eastern Region's military governor, Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, was under pressure from Igbo officers to assert greater independence from the FMG. Indeed, the eastern military government refused to recognize Gowon's legitimacy on the ground that he was not the most senior officer in the chain of command. Some of Ojukwu's colleagues questioned whether the country could be reunited amicably after the outrages committed against the Igbo in the Northern Region. Ironically, many responsible easterners who had advocated a unitary state now called for looser ties with the other regions. The military commanders and governors, including Ojukwu, met in Lagos to consider solutions to the regional strife. But they failed to reach a settlement, despite concessions offered by the northerners, because it proved impossible to guarantee the security of Igbo outside the Eastern Region. The military conferees reached a consensus only in the contempt they expressed for civilian politicians. Fearing for his safety, Ojukwu refused invitations to attend subsequent meetings in Lagos. In January 1967, the military leaders and senior police officials met at Aburi, Ghana, at the invitation of the Ghanaian military government. By now the Eastern Region was threatening secession. In a last-minute effort to hold Nigeria together, the military reached an accord that provided for a loose confederation of regions. The federal civil service vigorously opposed the Aburi Agreement, however. Awolowo, regrouping his supporters, demanded the removal of all northern troops garrisoned in the Western Region and warned that if the Eastern Region left the federation, the Western Region would follow. The FMG agreed to the troop withdrawal. In May Gowon issued a decree implementing the Aburi Agreement. Even the Northern Region leaders, who had been the first to threaten secession, now favored the formation of a multistate federation. Meanwhile, the military governor of the Midwestern Region announced that his region must be considered neutral in the event of civil war. The Ojukwu government rejected the plan for reconciliation and made known its intention to retain all revenues collected in the Eastern Region in reparation for the cost of resettling Igbo refugees. The eastern leaders had reached the point of ruptive in their relations with Lagos and the rest of Nigeria. Despite offers made by the FMG that met many of Ojukwu's demands, the Eastern Region Consultative Assembly voted May 26 to secede from Nigeria. In Lagos Gowon proclaimed a state of emergency and unveiled plans for abolition of the regions and for redivision of the country into twelve states. This provision broke up the Northern Region, undermining the possibility of continued northern domination and offering a major concession to the Eastern Region. It was also a strategic move, which won over eastern minorities and deprived the rebellious Igbo heartland of its control over the oil fields and access to the sea. Gowon also appointed prominent civilians, including Awolowo, as commissioners in the federal and new state governments, thus broadening his political support. On May 30, Ojukwu answered the federal decree with the proclamation of the independent Republic of Biafra, named after the Bight of Biafra. He cited as the principal cause for this action the Nigerian government's inability to protect the lives of easterners and suggested its culpability in genocide, depicting secession as a measure taken reluctantly after all efforts to safeguard the Igbo people in other regions had failed. Initially the FMG launched "police measures" to restore the authority of Lagos in the Eastern Region. Army units attempted to advance into secessionist territory in July, but rebel troops easily stopped them. The Biafrans retaliated with a surprise thrust into the Midwestern Region, where they seized strategic points. However, effective control of the delta region remained under federal control despite several rebel attempts to take the non-Igbo area. The federal government began to mobilize large numbers of recruits to supplement its 10,000-member army. By the end of 1967, federal forces had regained the Midwestern Region and secured the delta region, which was reorganized as the Rivers State and Southeastern State, cutting off Biafra from direct access to the sea. But a proposed invasion of the rebel-held territory, now confined to the Igbo heartland, stalled along the stiffened Biafran defense perimeter. A stalemate developed as federal attacks on key towns broke down in the face of stubborn Biafran resistance. Ill-armed and trained under fire, rebel troops nonetheless had the benefit of superior leadership and superb morale. Although vastly outnumbered and outgunned, the Biafrans probed weak points in the federal lines, making lightning tactical gains, cutting off and encircling advancing columns, and launching commando raids behind federal lines. Biafran strikes across the Niger managed to pin down large concentrations of federal troops on the west bank. In September 1968, Owerri was captured by federal troops advancing from the south, and early in 1969 the federal army, expanded to nearly 250,000 men, opened three fronts in what Gowon touted as the "final offensive." Although federal forces flanked the rebels by crossing the Niger at Onitsha, they failed to break through. The Biafrans subsequently retook Owerri in fierce fighting and threatened to push on to Port Harcourt until thwarted by a renewed federal offensive in the south. That offensive tightened the noose around the rebel enclave without choking it into submission. Biafran propaganda, which stressed the threat of genocide to the Igbo people, was extremely effective abroad in winning sympathy for the secessionist movement. Food and medical supplies were scarce in Biafra. Humanitarian aid, as well as arms and munitions, reached the embattled region from international relief organizations and from private and religious groups in the United States and Western Europe by way of nighttime airlifts over the war zone. The bulk of Biafra's military supplies was purchased on the international arms market with unofficial assistance provided by France through former West African colonies. In one of the most dramatic episodes of the civil war, Carl Gustav von Rosen, a Swedish count who at one time commanded the Ethiopian air force, and several other Swedish pilots flew five jet trainers modified for combat in successful strikes against Nigerian military installations. Biafra's independence was recognized by Tanzania, Zambia, Gabon, and the Ivory Coast, but it was compromised in the eyes of most African states by the approval of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, and Portugal. Britain extended diplomatic support and limited military assistance to the federal government. The Soviet Union became an important source of military equipment for Nigeria. Modern Soviet-built warplanes, flown by Egyptian and British pilots, interdicted supply flights and inflicted heavy casualties during raids on Biafran urban centers. In line with its policy of noninvolvement, the United States prohibited the sale of military goods to either side while continuing to recognize the FMG. In October 1969, Ojukwu appealed for United Nations (UN) mediation for a cease-fire as a prelude to peace negotiations. But the federal government insisted on Biafra's surrender, and Gowon observed that "rebel leaders had made it clear that this is a fight to the finish and that no concession will ever satisfy them." In December federal forces opened a four-pronged offensive, involving 120,000 troops, that sliced Biafra in half. When Owerri fell on January 6, 1970, Biafran resistance collapsed. Ojukwu fled to the Ivory Coast, leaving his chief of staff, Philip Effiong, behind as "officer administering the government." Effiong called for an immediate, unconditional cease-fire January 12 and submitted to the authority of the federal government at ceremonies in Lagos. Estimates in the former Eastern Region of the number of dead from hostilities, disease, and starvation during the thirty-month civil war are estimated at between 1 million and 3 million. The end of the fighting found more than 3 million Igbo refugees crowded into a 2,500-square-kilometer enclave. Prospects for the survival of many of them and for the future of the region were dim. There were severe shortages of food, medicine, clothing, and housing. The economy of the region was shattered. Cities were in ruins; schools, hospitals, utilities, and transportation facilities were destroyed or inoperative. Overseas groups instituted a major relief effort, but the FMG insisted on directing all assistance and recovery operations and barred some agencies that had supplied aid to Biafra. Because charges of genocide had fueled international sympathy for Biafra, the FMG allowed a team of international experts to observe the surrender and to look for evidence. Subsequently, the observers testified that they found no evidence of genocide or systematic destruction of property, although there was considerable evidence of famine and death as a result of the war. Furthermore, under Gowon's close supervision, the federal government ensured that Igbo civilians would not be treated as defeated enemies. A program was launched to reintegrate the Biafran rebels into a unified Nigeria. A number of public officials who had "actively counselled, aided, or abetted" secession were dismissed, but a clear distinction was made between them and those who had simply carried out their duties. Igbo personnel soon were being reenlisted in the federal armed forces. There were no trials and few people were imprisoned. Ojukwu, in exile, was made the scapegoat, but efforts to have him extradited failed. An Igbo official, Ukapi "Tony" Asika, was named administrator of the new East Central State, comprising the Igbo heartland. Asika had remained loyal to the federal government during the civil war, but as a further act of conciliation, his all-Igbo cabinet included members who had served under the secessionist regime. Asika was unpopular with many Igbo, who considered him a traitor, and his administration was characterized as inept and corrupt. In three years under his direction, however, the state government achieved the rehabilitation of 70 percent of the industry incapacitated during the war. The federal government granted funds to cover the state's operating expenses for an interim period, and much of the war damage was repaired. Social services and public utilities slowly were reinstituted, although not to the prewar levels. ----------------------------------------------
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" In September attacks on Igbo in the north were renewed with unprecedented ferocity, stirred up by Muslim traditionalists with the connivance, Eastern Region leaders believed, of northern political leaders. The army was sharply divided along regional lines. Reports circulated that troops from the Northern Region had participated in the mayhem. The estimated number of deaths ranged as high as 30,000, although the figure was probably closer to 8,000 to 10,000..."
TO SUMMERIZE AND FOR THE RECORDS, IT IS ONLY THE ABOVE SAD EVENT THAT TOOK PLACE IN THE MONTH OF SEPTEMBER 1966 AND THOSE THEREAFTER THAT THE IGBO PEOPLE WORLDWIDE COMMEMORATE AS 'IGBO DAY' IN SEPTEMBER EVERY YEAR. THEREFORE, I WISH TO STATE WITHOUT ANY FEAR OF CONTRADICTION THAT MOST IGBOS AROUND THE WORLD DO NOT KNOW WHAT THE SO-CALLED 'BIAFRA DAY' (be it in May or in August) AS SOLD BY THE NEO-BIAFRANS ON THIS FORUM MEANS (though most Nigerians, including the Igbos knows that the defunct Biafra Republic was declared by Ojukwu on 30th May). BECAUSE NEITHER DATES, MAY 30 NOR AUGUST THE 26th DOES NOT HAVE ANY CELEBRATERY NOR COMMEMORATIVE SIGNIFICANCE FOR OR AMONG THE IGBO PEOPLE OF THEN NOR OF TODAY; SINCE THE THEN BIAFRAN REPUBLIC DID NOT COMPRISE OF ONLY PEOPLE OF IGBO DESCENT BUT HAD ALSO NON-IGBOS FROM THE THEN EASTERN REGION. AND WE HAVE NEVER HEARD ANYONE FROM ANY OF THOSE TRIBES THAT COMPRISED THE THEN EASTERN REGION CELEBRATING OR HAVING ANY EVENT KNOWN AS 'BIAFRA DAY' EITHER.
Why should any informed Igbo stop recognizing the month of September which is like the Holocaust to us and instead start to "celebrate" with the self-styled Biafrans in a make-believe event that can best be described as A SORT BUT FAILED INDEPENDENCE DAY? FOR WHILE SEPTEMBER CAN BE CALLED IGBO MONTH, 29th OF SEPTEMBER IS INDEED IGBO DAY AND THE ONLY DAY WORTH RESPECTING BY ANY IGBO WORTH THAT NAME. NDIGBO, LIKE THEIR JEWISH COUNTERPART REMEMBER THEIR DEAD IN SEPTEMBER; WE DO NOT "celebrate" OJUKWU'S DECLARATION OF MAY 30TH, THOUGH AS ALSO HISTORIC AS IT WAS AND IS. QED.
Cheers and good bye!
Posts: 997 | From: Germany | Registered: Mar 2001
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The tragedy of your reasoning is that you use absolutes even when you haven't got a clue what you are talking about. Igbo Remembrance is situated within the Igbo Heritage Month in MAY not because Emeka Ojukwu declared Biafra on that day but because it has always been(even before the war) an important month in the life of the Igbo. Ask any good Igbo scholar and s/he will tell you that MAY is even the beginning of the Igbo calendar! May was NOT declared the Igbo Heritage month by your imaginary enemies in this forum. And historically pre-war Igbo massacre has also started in May.
I like your analogy of the Jews and I'm sure you are aware that holocaust remembrance is not more important in Jewish cosmology than the passover. If you look at Exodus from Ch 12 on, you'll see that the passover was to become the beginning of the Months for the Jews and was to be commemorated forever. Again Your research on the Jewish remembrance leaves much to be desired.
And thinking further on remembering massacres, the records show clearly that the civil war genocide against the Igbo started in May 66. Having said all that there is nothing wrong with you or anyone choosing which Igbo massacre to remember(the May 29, the July, The Asaba massacre or the Sept 29) so long as you don't ascribe world-wide Igbo Rembrance to your ceremony. Even on the scale of deaths the average death by deliberate starvation towards the end of the war was more than 100,000 per day.
If the MASSOB guys wanna remember Biafra, then the month of MAY is the Month Biafra was declared by both Ojukwu(May 30 1967) and lately Uwazurike(May 22, 2000). That doesn't mean MASSOB or indeed anyone cannot call out a strike on any month of their choosing.
quote:The Holocaust spanned years with suffering and death spread throughout these years of terror. No one day stood out as representative of this destruction.
___________________ Awo's political idea was based on the assumption that any town beyond Owo was Igbo or Hausa. Awo was not socialised; he was not a good mixer because he did not have the opportunity, which the secondary school offered. ~TOS Benson, Baba Oba of Lagos Posts: 2644 | From: United Kingdom | Registered: Apr 2001
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Your arguments and point was clouded by the venum you started with. With your first paragraph full of venum against this your imaginary enemies, I was a expecting a Bombshell, but at the end of your post what I saw was a cocktail molita. If you are saying that we should remember our brothers who were masacared during that month of septmeber that is fine, but brother don't make your side of the argument the gospel truth, it is not. Month of May have a lot of significance in the lives of Igbos and Biafran.
Brother please I want my old brother Nwa Aro back, not this new paranoid Nwa Aro, who is working around fearing an enemies that doesn't exist. I consider myself one of those you call diehard Biafrans, yet I don't consider you an enemy or adversary. Please Brother get back to you old self, we need you. Please enough of this venum from you. bring back your sound argument and your good writing in past.
You have written well I cannot pretend not to have been taken aback by what I read yesterday. There was no need for that, know why? I still consider all, Biafrans, if not based on your profile, one's writings could be it or you're one at heart. Let us be strong enough to disagree on those things that call for differing opinions without creating unnecessary enmity. Speaking for myself, a decent number of brothers have at one point or another disparaged me here yet no shred of animosity is retained towards none. I was at one time accused of something that I never did still it did not stop me from moving on with open mind. Brothers, there come a time when minor disagreement of past is allowed to die a natural death without rocking the boat. I don’t see how folks could be so offended by an honest to God truth; I am rather stunned to read certain things by certain people. Mature folks disagree and move on without letting it affect the next item on the agenda. The anger thing must go.
___________________ BIAFRA: The land of my ancestors now, yesterday and always. So it will be! Posts: 2483 | From: Ala Igbo | Registered: Apr 2004
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