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Is there any out there still unconvinced about the little criminal's (weber) quest to line his pocket up with orji's pile and not about seeing good democratic dividend for the people of Abia and the Igbo nation? The criminal minded weber said:

"In USA, he was receieve like a King. American President send his Top officials to accompany him.!! -in London, Top officials of british government came to receive him!!" - wiggler weber

Another idiotic and empty boast apparently the little German based used bottle hustler, the wiggling weber is unaware that most U.S. presidents were in cohort with saddam in the not so distant past. Try 1980s. The current American VP used to bow to saddam. Read boy, read! So also did the current U.S. War Secretary, Donny Rumsfeld, praising guess who, saddam. Not long ago also, osama bin laden was in the U.S. camp. Fedinand Macos of Philipines was at some point hailed for many, many years yet it did not stop them when his time was up. How dull are you really, markus? Let us remember whose camp Charles Taylor of Liberia was on until his favor ran out. Add the congo dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko to the list which is endless then you see how easily kalu could in time be lured away to be picked up like a dumb agric chicken. To the Germans, leave everything to do with the U.S. for those of us who bear the BLUE, if you know what I mean. BTW: From that picture I don’t see any recognizable high powered British government representative’s face so could this 419 governor be pulling another of his media abracadabra? I say yes! - posted February 01, 2006 03:05 PM

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Originally posted by markus weber:
Ednut see chimarokes authentic score Card


the War criminal and his image propagandist!

Enugu: The limits of propaganda

see http://www.independentng.com/sunday/ppnov130503.htm


Ejiofor Nwokolo Esq.



In one of the most penetrating and provocative critiques yet of liberal-bourgeois democracies, Prof. Noam Chomsky, the United States leading “intellectual dissident” asserts that, “propaganda is to democracy what violence is to dictatorship”. According to this thesis, the so-called democratic governments the world over are locked in a perpetual battle for men’s minds, not as a battle of truths against lies, but rather as the ultimate lie. This, they prosecute through a combination of disinformation and related thought control measures designed to shape public perception of events and the people who shape them.

Chomsky characterized this phenomenon as the “art of manufacturing consent”. He was pre-occupied in his thesis with the palpable deceit of the elite and the political class who feather their own nests at the expense of the common people, while pretending to act as the people’s (elected) representatives. Chomsky’s cold logic, in which he confronts the free market rhetoric issuing from government public relations machines assumes however that only western-style democracies have a compelling need to invent the consent of their citizenry.

In this regard, the task that one has set for himself in this piece is to further elaborate and adapt Chomsky’s thesis to the prevailing political climate in the country. This is without prejudice to the fact that Chomsky obviously did not reckon with Nigeria’s nascent democratic experiment which, more than six years on, has undergone tragic mutations. Our poser: to what extent can it be said that propaganda and the diet of disinformation constitute the health of the state? Enugu, the Coal City State, presents a model for our case study.

The first four years of Governor Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State (1999 – 2003) will be remembered for a thick wave of terrorism, political brigandage, gangsterism, and a harvest of serial assassinations that would permanently wean the state of any claims to political innocence. Altogether, the state has witnessed twenty-nine unresolved incidents of political related murder between 2000 and 2005.

Whereas Chomsky’s model precludes the possibility of a bourgeois democracy however illiberal or deformed, degenerating to the point of regular deployment of violence and brigandage as instruments in the quest for the manufacturing of consent, Enugu State, under Governor Chimaroke has witnessed a fusion of violence, oriental despotism, and propaganda as complementary instruments in the state government’s quest to manufacture the consent of its subjects. This fusion carries with it the added implication of an on-going co-habitation of democracy and dictatorship in different parts of the country. Be that as it may, I intend to limit myself in this piece, to how Governor Chimaroke has patented the art of the deployment of propaganda, disinformation, and mass deception as key instruments of manufacturing consent.

The emergence in 1999, from nowhere as it were, of Dr. Chimaroke was greeted with a sigh of relief by the generality of the people of Enugu, whose disillusionment with military rule was matched perhaps by a deep-seated cynicism over the unfolding political process at the time. Cynicism appeared to give way, given the prospects raised by the sight of a complete outsider who was untainted by the compromises and political opportunism of the Abacha years, and who had had in addition the benefit of sound education, coupled with nearly 15 years of first-hand exposure to the dynamics of popular participation and empowerment in the world’s leading democracy, the United States of America. It was little surprising therefore that when the Enugu godfather crisis blew open sometime in the year 2000, the people pitched tent with Chimaroke, who was portrayed as a hapless victim of the caprice associated with the old breed political class. With this, Chimaroke had his job cut out, hence the aggressive developmental strides his administration recorded in the state between 1999 and 2001. A significant proportion of what the state government’s propaganda machinery continues to flaunt to date including claims of 500 kilometers of asphalt road, Nigerian Law School campus, Agbani, various rural electrification schemes, rehabilitation of health institutions and facilities, refurbishment of primary schools, mini-water schemes, the development of two new middle-class housing estates at Otigba junction and GRA golf course, etc, were initiated within this period.

As the protracted godfather crisis in the state took a heavy toll with the attempted impeachment of Chimaroke in 2002, the Governor’s policies and programmes suffered a huge distraction. The indirect impetus provided by the godfather crisis which propelled the man along the path of initial populism evaporated. At the 2003 general elections, Chimaroke succeeded in making political mincemeat of his estranged godfather, Jim Nwobodo. Since then, and to complement a new-found swagger of triumphalism, Chimaroke has recorded further claims of ‘achievements’ and delivery of ‘democracy dividends’ to the people of Enugu State. These include: the partial dualization of Chime Avenue road New Haven, in the Enugu metropolis, a fairy so-called Road Tunnel Crossing, said to be the first of its kind in Africa, a ‘brand new’ ESUT Teaching Hospital, plus the development of a permanent ESUT campus; a touted International Conference Centre complete with a five-star hotel and an auditorium capable of sitting about 5000 persons; some 324 units of three-bedroom flats at Loma Linda medium income housing estate; a digital 17-court room judiciary headquarters; Nyaba Bridge; in addition to the recently commissioned Enugu State liaison office, Abuja.

While commissioning the Nyaba bridge and the uncompleted, dualization of Chime Avenue on in February this year during a working visit to Enugu, President Olusegun Obasanjo praised Chimaroke to the high heavens, a swan song re-enacted by the PDP National Chairman, Dr. Ahmadu Ali, during a visit to the state sometime in July this year. Dr. Ali would go a step further to suggest that whereas Chimaroke’s Enugu State ranks lowest among the thirty-six states of the federation in terms of revenue receipts from the federation Account, the state had much more to show for its monthly allocation than, say, some governors who according to him, “receive ten times more revenue than Chimaroke”. In a similar vein, the Chairman of the PDP Board of Trustees, Chief Tony Anenih, lent his weight to the rising sentiments recently on the occasion of the inaguration of the Enugu State Liaison Office, in Abuja. According to THISDAY Newspaper, of Wednesday, 10 August 2005, (front page), Chief Anenih used the occasion to advise governors elected on the party’s platform to “sit down to attend to development issues for which they were elected”. He said the advice became necessary following the rate at which some governors abandoned their current mandate while searching for higher offices come 2007. Turning to Governor Nnamani, he observed: “You Nnamani, are one of the very few governors who do not go from place to place wanting to be vice president to a non-existent president. Chimaroke has never been quoted, he has never been misquoted, that he is interested in being vice president to a non-existent president.”

Trust Chimaroke, he has been gloating all over the place on the strength of these statements. In the process, he has seized the airwaves, as well as the pages of various newspapers, to re-broadcast and re-advertise the oral testimonials. Suffice it to say that these testimonials were founded on obvious misrepresentations of facts and embellished statistics. The trouble with statistics as such, more so in the hands of politicians, is that statistics are like bikini: what they reveal is interesting, what they conceal probably even more interesting. One is tempted to give Mr. President every benefit of doubt, considering the uncanny ability of many a state government to manipulate presidential visits, relying on official protocol arrangements to serve their own ends. Mr. President will be shocked to learn that several months after he ostensibly “inaugurated” the one-sided dualization of the Chime Avenue, work on the barely two kilometre road is still on-going. As a matter of fact, the 25-footer crossing over the Nyaba rivulet which Mr. President similarly inaugurated amidst pomp and fanfare in Enugu, hardly measures up to a fraction of the 120 metre long Ughoton – Omadino Bridge, least of all, the massive one kilometre-long Bomadi Bridge across the Bomadi River built by the James Ibori administration across the creeks and riverine communities in Delta State and which Mr. President had the benefit of unveiling during his last visit to the state. Projects aside, when next Mr. President visits Enugu (as I am sure he will, soon), I implore him to enquire from his chief host why the line up of dignitaries and VIPs that regularly receive him at the airport always excludes the authentic faces of Enugu leaders of thought, the likes of Anthony Aniagolu, Philip Nnaemeka Agu (both retired Supreme Court Justices), Rear Admiral Allison Madueke (rtd), the first and only service chief produced by Ndigbo since the end of the civil war, past state governors of the state origin, civilian and military, former federal ministers, industrialists, former Vice-Chancellors, add first-class traditional rulers, and an entire community of retired academics and eggheads that can be found in the Enugu metropolis. Governor Chimaroke would rather line up famished and dreary figures that look like characters hauled straight from ebeano concentration camp.

Ahmadu Alli’s testimonial on Chimaroke, on the other hand, is rendered dubious by the deliberate over- exaggerations that attended it. It is not at all true that Enugu State brings up the rear in the standings of allocations from the federation account. For the successive months of July, August and September 2005, Enugu State was placed in the 21st, 24th and 22nd positions in the Federation Account standings. Without mincing words, Ahmadu Alli represents one of the best-known faces of impunity in the annals of the country’s political history. His anti-democratic, anti-people credentials are etched on a legend. Just as well as the infamous “Alli-must-go” crisis, which was triggered by the misery and tyranny the man imposed on the country’s university campuses, we are living witnesses to the greed and insatiable appetite which Alli is capable of.

Chief Tony Anenih, the acclaimed enforcer of the PDP, comes away as an enigma wrapped in a mystery. The tag of “leader” by which he is generally known does not at all underline the high esteem in which he is held either as a statesman or nationalist. On the contrary, the tag is an euphemism for the awe and trepidation in which he is held by all and sundry. The “leader” is by a mile the godhead of all political godfathers; he is to the country’s politics what warlords are to Somalia. One finds it little surprising that the ‘leader’ would muster encomiums on Chimaroke, a notable gadfly of the innermost core of the “nest of killers” and “the axis of evil”, the mainstream political tendency within the PDP.

Sadly, Chief Anenih as a matter of sheer political expediency overlooks the more profoundly despicable fact that whereas Chimaroke was “elected” to govern Enugu to address the state’s myriad of problems, the man elected on his own volition to carry on as an itinerant talk-show guest and intellectual journeyman across the length and breadth of the country. For heaven’s sake, Chimaroke’s mandate does not include the Pay-As-You-Go sham lecture circuit that has bled the state’s coffers endlessly. The missionary fervour that has attended the circus in the face of a mind-boggling frittering of the state’s resources calls into hard question the unstated political motives behind this illicit jamboree, behind what has turned out the longest running campaign (?) of the Fourth Republic.

Against the foregoing background, it has become imperative to separate fact from fiction in the Enugu melee. Owing to space constraints, I shall restrict myself to a consideration of five or six of these projects. Of all the claims made for the Chimaroke administration, I suppose that the oldest and probably the most eye-catching relates to the Nigerian Law School campus situated at Agbani, the governor’s hometown. Although the governor holds it out as a showpiece, the truth of the matter is that what today passes for a Law school campus at Agbani was prior to 1999 a fully built-up site intended originally as a P & T Training School. The contract for the P & T Training School, Agbani, was awarded by the then military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo in 1978. The training school project was virtually completed by 1984 before it was fatefully abandoned. Chimaroke merely rehabilitated and painted the disused buildings and capped this with road access into the premises.

Or take the so-called ‘brand new’ ESUT Teaching Hospital currently ongoing as another example. Far from a ‘brand new” edifice, it is a well known fact that Park Lane Hospital, which has been in existence since the days of East Central State as a specialist and referral medical institution has merely been re-baptized. It is note worthy that the defunct Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) supervised an extensive rehabilitation and upgrade of the hospital’s facilities and structures between 1997 and 1998. The addition of some five or six structures is not enough to qualify for a “brand new teaching hospital”.

What is more to the point, getting Park Lane Specialist Hospital to host the Teaching Hospital complex is a diabolical design calculated to conceal the huge sum of 1.5 billion Naira that had purportedly been spent on the original site of the teaching hospital at Nsukka, the foundation stone of which was laid by Vice-President Atiku Abubakar in 2001. Like the ‘brand new’ ESUT Teaching hospital, the International Conference Centre facility, touted to harbour in its bowels a five star hotel and a magnificent auditorium is a big make-believe. A cursory visit to the site overlooking the Okpara Square will expose the lies and half-truths that have been woven around the project that was commenced 24 years ago by Chief Jim Nwobodo as governor of the old Anambra State. As yet, the site has not witnessed any significant improvement on the level of construction work prior to its abandonment in 1983 and, certainly there is no sign of any auditorium least of all a five star hotel.

Chimaroke’s free-wheeling rhetoric on ‘democracy dividends’ hit an all time high of vulgarity with the recent claims on the “completion” of a digital judiciary headquarters in addition to 324 units of two and three-bedroom low and medium flats somewhere at a phantom Loma Linda Housing Estate. One has had to visit the sites of these projects again and again in Enugu metropolis to reassure oneself that one is not in a fairyland. My findings are as follows: construction work on the judiciary headquarters has just left the primary stage while the Loma Linda flats are, for the most part, at foundation levels with work progressing at an agonizingly snail speed. Aware of this state of affairs, Chimaroke nonetheless embarks on an ego trip of mass deception by generating before-hand simulated comp graphic visuals and imageries of what these projects are expected to look like upon completion. Shall we call this “anticipatory completion”?

The same ‘anticipatory completion’ antics have been employed with regard to the much-hyped Ebeano Tunnel Crossing, a facility measuring approximately one kilometre in distance. The flipside of the tunnel, cleverly concealed from unwary public is that, the road when completed, will not be a public facility. I contend with all the emphasis at my command that what we have here is a private infrastructure leading to one of Chimaroke’s choice private estates tucked in between the trade fair complex and the AFEX Bank premises. Much similar sinister motive propels the current rush to reconstruct Rangers Avenue. Come on, a man who owns as much as one half of a street, should feel obliged to keep the road in proper shape.

While Chimaroke’s mass deception machine grinds at full blast, no mention is made of the array of abandoned projects under his administration. The catalogue includes the International Market at ninth mile. After fleecing traders of about 280 million Naira over the complex, the state government has not unveiled plans to either refund the sums collected, or otherwise get on with the project. The Ebeano by-pass, conceived in the wake of the inauguration of the Ama Brewery in 2003, and meant to ease traffic bottleneck around the ninth mile industrial district and the Enugu –Onitsha expressway, falls in the same category. Two and half years, after it was flagged off with the state government promising to deliver the 2.5. Kilometres road in six months, the contractor (wait for it) MARLUM, has totally demobilised from site, abandoning the excavation and earthworks to the mercy of soil erosion. In a related vein, more than two – thirds of the verifiable length of asphalt roads built by Chimaroke have failed or have been washed off by rains as a result of poor quality job. The roads include the Ozalla - Agbani – Ugboka road, the Agbani - Akpugo - Amagunze road, Awgu –Ndeaboh road, Aguobu Owa – Umumba road and Ogrute - Enugu Ezike road. In a number of cases, the asphalting of these roads was done without bothering to fix the bridges, culverts, and the gutters. The Ojorowo Bridge on the Ozalla –Agbani – Ugboka - Nara road is a good example as the bridge has turned into a huge death trap.

Despite all the fuss about road construction under Chimaroke, and although it is generally acknowledged that the Coal City boasts an advanced network from the point of view of physical planning, the Enugu metropolis cuts a pathetic picture of abandonment presently. The current state of Enugu roads is at best dismal, if not scandalous. All the important roads in the metropolis are in advanced stages of disrepair and atrophy, including those that service the major business districts notably, Okpara Avenue, Ogui road, Zik’s Avenue, Agbani road, Abakalii road, CPS – Ogbete – Akwata Road, Kingsway – New Market Road, Presidential Road, Union Secondary School - Amechi Road; name them. The inner street roads are in a profoundly sorry state.

Were Chimaroke propelled by any sense of altruism, he ought to have long appreciated the critical need to dualise the eight-kilometer Agbani Road to the point at Gariki where it joins the Port-Harcourt expressway; or the Union Secondary School - Amechi road bypass, and accord them priority over and above the latest road across another of the man’s upscale private sites. Just as it ought to have dawned on him by now that the state of disrepair of most of the roads cited above are deep-seated and require thorough–going rehabilitation to be undertaken by a firm with some track record, as against the habitual practice of covering potholes which inevitably give way immediately to bigger craters.

Meanwhile, the state of roads in the metropolis mirrors the epileptic state of water supply to the entire city. Even with the Federal Government’s funded N2 billion Artesian Water scheme at Oji water taps in the capital city remains dry because of a palpable dearth of logistical backup to ensure constant supply of water to different parts of the metropolis.

A first time visitor to the city will find it rather difficult to come to terms with the reality that, even as a former regional capital, Enugu can hardly boast of any form of public street lighting. It is no exaggeration that there is not a single road or avenue in the city, not even any of the roads leading to the government house, that has street lights. At nightfall, the coal city resembles the epicenter of darkness (not in the sense of Joseph Conrad), the overpowering pall of a ghost capital submerged in a thick fog of insecurity and uncertainty. This is a city sentenced to darkness by the megalomania, the civilizing mission of a “brain drain” democrat.

When we consider the shambolic state of waste management, it is safe to assert that the transformation of a once beautiful city into a jungle of sorts, an ebeano jungle, is complete. Our consolation lies in the knowledge that the king who turns a jungle into a beautiful city will be long remembered as much as the king who, in his time, allows a once beautiful city to be turned into a jungle and desolate land.

Ever since my last piece entitled “Okwomma: The Intellectual As A Dictator” (see The Sunday Sun, July 10, 2005) in which I attempted to expose the cult of mediocrity and cesspool of corruption that have been dressed up in an intellectual smokescreen, Chimaroke had literally embarked on a media blitz in his trademark preoccupation with chasing after “intellectual knick–knacks”. I referred to this psychological tendency to seek intellectual fulfillment in a situation that otherwise dictates deep political introspection and dispassionate realism as “castration complex”. Increasingly, I am afraid, the governor misses the point to think that he can answer to the weighty charges of bad governance, impunity and corruption on a primitive scale levied against his person and that of “Sister Excellency”, the new Jacqueline Onassis of the South East, by engaging in a sustained cover up. Like Mooselvet, my exhortation is plainly this: “when bad men conspire, let the good men combine”. We cannot afford to go back to sleep until we reclaim the heritage and the very soul of the Wawa struggle from the pathologies of power. The latest media blitz surrounding the visit of thirteen European Union envoys to Enugu more than validates our central thesis: Chimaroke’s much hyped achievements are somewhere blowing in the wind.

As a corollary, it is common knowledge that over the past five years, Governor Sam Egwu of Ebonyi State has built up a state university from scratch – the Ebonyi State University (EBSU), and packed it full with the greatest assemblage of eggheads and intellectuals, east of the Niger, next only to the great citadel of UNN. Contrast the EBSU situation with that of ESUT, a campus that was founded since 1982 with existing infrastructure on its present site, but Chimaroke rather than improve and consolidate on this, and with barely two years to the end of his second tenure, elected to haul the entire campus to his village as a trophy; and all hell is let loose proclaiming what the campus would look like upon completion based on simulated computer graphics that seek to better the architectural splendour of the university campus at Ile-Ife. All this razzmatazz tends to ignore the fact that in the past five years, ESUT has become denuded. The Law Faculty has lost NUC accreditation; three out of the five courses in the Faculty of Engineering have similarly lost accreditation in the same period, the erstwhile Geology Department has been shut down and disbanded. Today, ESUT exists as an empty shell, left poorer in terms of men, material, and morale, while the Visitor plays roulette.

The fate of ESUT is largely symptomatic of the regime of bad governance that Chimaroke has instituted in the state. The man busies himself with reform rhetorics and sloganeering, whereas the state legislature, his cabinet, as well as strategic state parastatals are brimming to the seams with non entities, cronies, semi-illiterates and people totally bereft of any specialized skill, talent, or pedigree, in professional life. Consider that Chimaroke nominated a commercial motor driver, a motor spare parts dealer, and a beer parlour manager to the recently concluded National Political Reform Conference. Rather than a conscious quest for excellence and knowledgeable minds, every time that the man has had to bestow appointments, it turns out an abuse of prerogative. Poverty alleviation is another major victim of the man’s vacous rhetorics and sloganeering. Apart from the mass purges from the state civil service between 2001 and 2002, how does any reform-minded person explain the huge salary arrears being owed workers currently by the state government? In most of the regular ministries, workers’ salaries are in arrears of upwards of four months plus. In the case of parastatals such as ESBS Radio/TV, Star Newspapers, Sports Council, the Waste Management Agency (ESWAMA), the arrears are anything between nine and 15 months (see The Guardian, Saturday, April 23, 2003, page3). In comparative terms, Enugu is noted for the most exorbitant school fees among the five southeast states, while Ebonyi brings up the rear. Conversely, over the past six years, Chimaroke’s administration has neither paid bursary nor awarded scholarship to any student of the state origin, including final year students of polytechnics and universities across the country, and particularly the Nigerian Law School and Colleges of Medicine. Ebonyi state, on the other hand, does not only pay bursary yearly to its students since 2000, it has awarded about one thousand scholarships to students of the state origin to pursue post-graduate degrees in specialized fields of study overseas.

We can spend all the time in this world talking about Chimaroke’s roads, or the so-called ‘democracy dividends, it must however be emphasized that the corner stone of democracy is good governance. Good governance consists in the continuous expansion of the available space for democratic struggle and in such intangibles as transparency, accountability, openness, due process, budgetary control of public expenditure etc, liberty, and freedom above all. These ingredients which are the catalysts of development and popular empowerment are regrettably in short supply in Enugu State. The budgetary process is characterized by an opaque public expenditure management profile. Public works contracts and allocation of lands are not subject to any form of competitive tendering process, nor can they stand up to scrupulous benchmarks of integrity and transparency. In the circumstances, it is not out of place to find that one individual probably owns about sixty percent of all the housing estates – Ebeano, Gulf Course, the old Zoological Garden, etc – in the Enugu metropolis.

Good governance consists as well in the ability of a leader to cast a vision and to sow the seeds of long-term socio-economic transformation of the society. These are sadly again, absent in Enugu State under Chimaroke’s charge. Although Enugu is an agrarian state, the governor has failed in the past six years to come up with a single agricultural initiative to either harness the fertile landmass available to the state or tap its potentials in the areas of rice and cassava cultivation. The state’s overall tourism potential ratings, which rank close to Cross River in the entire southern half of the country, lie untapped and unharnessed. To underline the impaired vision at work, the vastly acclaimed Enugu zoological gardens G.R.A. , which used to sit on about twenty hectares of land, was in the year 2000 shut, and all the wildlife liquidated to make way for yet another of Governor Chimaroke’s private estates. A further illustration of the palpable failure of the Chimaroke administration to cast a vision is underlined by the fate of the Coal industry for which Enugu was famous. It is pedestrian to argue that solid minerals are the preserve of the federal government, when it is a trite fact that several states are at advanced stages of developing their own Independent Power Plants (IPP) for the supply of electricity. The coal industry offers one of the best-known cost-effective options to independent energy supply. Besides, the technology is functional and adaptable especially so, given that the disused Oji-River power station offers a veritable take-off platform.

Chimaroke is far too busy chasing after intellectual acclaim to ponder the long-term economic prospects of the state. Let us pose the following question: what is the economic future of Enugu in the face of the inevitability of Resource Control? States like Jigawa, Kwara, Bauchi, and Cross River are thinking far ahead in this regard, even where it is common knowledge that their states chief executives are hardly ones to hanker after intellectual deification or validation of any sort. Worse still, the few state-owned business concerns and establishments that could have constituted a critical base for the future industrial and technological take-off of the state’s economy have, through neglect, mismanagement, cronyism, and sustained assets-stripping, been allowed to go under and waste away by the Chimaroke administration.

The roll call includes, but is not limited to: Hotel Presidential Enugu, Phoenix Hotels Enugu, Ikenga Hotels Nsukka, Aluminum Manufacturing Company Limited Ogbede, Niger Gas Limited Enugu, AVOP Vegetable Oil Plant Nachi, Sunrise Flour Mills Limited Enugu, Niger steel Emene, Oghe Cashew Industry, NCFC, Universal Insurance Company Limited, etc. In consequence, how does one explain for example, the imposing Enugu House recently opened in Abuja? It is surely the case, according to William Shakespeare that, “even among the ruins, there are traces of architecture”

The sustained impoverishment of the state and the ruination of its commonwealth, contrasts markedly with the blossoming fortunes of the family business conglomerate that Chimaroke has managed to put together in the past six years. It is difficult to place a value on this bourgeoning private concern, Ebeano Plc. Suffice it to say that its assets base probably runs into several tens of billions.

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Your picture was too big. So I asked the webmaster to help me reduce it, since you refused to listen to MeBiafran.

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Free Uwazurike Now!


Now is the winter of our discontent...made glorious summer by this [rising] sun of York.

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Ednut:

The article by Mr. Ene is quite childish. It looks like the Ene character is looking for a job. It is well known that the British government decided to stop arresting Nigerian officials because they feared reprisals, especially in the "Niger-Delta." After Beyelsa governor was impeached and arrested, Nigeria wanted to extradite him to Britain. But, the British refused to take him back. Indeed, the British facilitated Governor Alamesiegha's escape. The British are also refusing to have any further involvement with Dariye whom Obasanjo wishes to extradite.

Kalu sought and received assurances that he would not be arrested if he made the trip. Thus, that Kalu was not arrested in London is the result of change in British policy, and not a testimony to Orji Kalu's clean hands. - daud.

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