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I think he actually is a professor. I believe he was once the Vice-Chancellor of UNICAL.

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Gracing the occasion also were national chairman of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Chief Chekwas Okorie, national president of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Prof. Joe Irukwu, former vice chancellor, University of Calabar (UNICAL), Prof. Ivara Esu, prominent traditional rulers from the South-East and Akwa Ibom State.

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"Champion Newspaper"/iwuanyanwu

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3rd term not on the cards —OBASANJO

By Rotimi Ajayi, Emmanuel Aziken & Ayodele Adegbuyi

Friday, March 31, 2006


*Come out now, PDP tells members with presidential ambition

ABUJA— PRESIDENT Olusegun Obasanjo, in a rare public pronouncement on the third term issue, said, Wednesday, in New York that a third term in office “is not on the card” for now. He dismissed insinuations that he had been manipulating the National Assembly to force the third term agenda on Nigerians.

The ruling party itself —the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)— yesterday challenged its members with presidential ambition in 2007 to come out now and declare their interest, while the report of the National Assembly Joint Committee on the Review of the Constitution (JCRC) has recommended the extension of immunity to federal and state legislators.

President Obasanjo, speaking in separate interviews with the Cable News Network (CNN) and Voice of America (VOA) said: “I am not a manoeuverer, I am not a manipulator. I am a democrat.”
It is the legitimate and constitutional responsibility of the National Assembly, he said, to make laws for Nigeria and to amend such laws, including the constitution which is the country’s supreme law.

President Obasanjo said the issue of a third term did not come up in his discussions with President George Bush because “President Bush will regard that as our internal affair, which of course, it is.
“For now, it is not on the cards,” President Obasanjo told VOA when asked if he had any plan for a third term in office. “The plan I have now is to complete the term I have on my hands. I have work to do. I will continue to do it and I will not do anything that is unconstitutional.

“Whatever is happening now is not personal to Obasanjo or his government. We are talking about fundamental and necessary amendments to our constitution. This is not a thing that started yesterday. It started almost seven years ago with the All-Party Committee. It is the legitimate right of the National Assembly and they are going about it the right way,” the President said, adding that thus far, the National Assembly and its constitution review committee had followed steps “laid down in the constitution and by its own rules.”

On reports that a former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, had declared an interest in contesting next year’s presidential election, President Obasanjo said every Nigerian should feel free to exercise his right to seek elective office.

On the recently concluded national census, President Obasanjo said: “A great awareness and enthusiasm attended this particular census. I think that for the first time, Nigerians enthusiastically wanted to be counted. For me, that is a good thing. It is a credit to the awareness the National Population Commission had created and the support we and the international community gave. No human exercise can be regarded as perfect. On this one, we give ourselves near full marks. That people can complain is healthy. It is also healthy that they have a place to complain to and get redress."
And on the former Liberian president, President Obasanjo demanded an apology from all those who had rushed to cast aspersions on Nigeria’s management of the affair.

“I believe that Nigeria handled the issue of Charles Taylor well. We must remember the context in which Charles Taylor came to Nigeria. He was not brought to Nigeria under arrest. Nigeria was not negligent. When he escaped from jail here, was the country negligent? When two Nigerian governors jumped bail in Britain, did we accuse the British of negligence? Those who made such comments owe Nigeria an apology,” the President said.

PDP challenges members with presidential ambition

The ruling PDP yesterday challenged its members with presidential ambition in 2007 elections to come out and declare their interests notwithstanding the third term campaign.
The PDP raised the challenge through the National Secretary, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, at a forum of the Publicity and Legal Secretaries of the party at the state level.

Chief Maduekwe said the on-going campaign to amend the constitution for tenure extension had not in anyway foreclosed the presidential primaries of the party. He said although the National Chairman, Dr. Ahmadu Ali, had been quoted on the desirability of tenure extension, the position of the National Chairman should be seen as personal rather than that of the party. “The Chairman’s statement is personal opinion. The National Working Committee of the party has not yet met to take decision on certain issues,” he said.

Immunity for federal, state legislators

The report of the National Assembly Joint Committee on the Review of the Constitution (JCRC) detailing amendments to be considered by the two Houses has recommended the extension of immunity to legislators at federal and state levels.

The 53-page report covering deliberations during the Port-Harcourt retreat of the committee earlier this month, while affirming three terms of four years for the President and Governors has played down the quest of the South-East for an additional state in the region. The committee’s report obtained by Vanguard yesterday enjoined South-East leaders to go through the proper constitutional procedure of states creation through the initiation of a bill on the issue.

In affirmation of the principle of power rotation, the report proposed a 12-year rotation of the presidency among the six geopolitical zones and in effect, prohibiting the South-West from canvassing the presidency until after 60 years.


The report which is to be ratified by the committee at its next meeting on Wednesday has also limited future vice-presidents and deputy governors to act for a maximum of three months where the office of president or governor becomes vacant as a result of death, incapacitation or removal.

The report has also proposed the direct funding of local governments, the National Assembly and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) through two new subsections to section 81 of the Constitution.
The JCRC report proposes the creation of a Traditional Rulers Council with the Vice-President as chairman. The council shall have the statutory function of advising the President on matters pertaining to promotion of peace, security, tradition, culture or any other matter as the President may direct.

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Afrocracy- Afrocracy is a system of government, that embraces the fundamental principles of democracy, with the intrinsic adoption of certain tenets, designed specifically for political governance in Africa and developing nations .

How it is proposed to work: (Nigeria)

1) It is based on the population ratio of a country’s major ethnic groups. Assuming the breakdown of ethnic groups in Nigeria is as follows, Hausa/Fulani 25 percent, Yoruba 22 percent, Igbo 20 percent, others, 33 percent (minority groups).
2) The Presidency will be rotated among the top 3 or 4 major ethnic groups, for a term of 5 years.
3) The National Assembly, will comprise of no less than 75 percent members of ethnic minority groups . (7 year term)
4) The members of the national assembly can be voted into office only by the majority ethnic group(s), not holding the presidency.
5) With regards to the presidency, the ethnic group in line to assume the presidency, must first conduct a primary election in its area. The top two candidates are then presented to be voted for by the other majority group(s) not contesting the presidency.

I do not pretend in any way to claim expertise in this area, I have only propounded this concept, however simplistic in your view, as a way to open serious discussions on this topic.

Given the attendant political problems that African countries have encountered, and particularly Nigeria, it is critically important that a new political structure is developed and adopted, if it is to have a future as a country.

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I realize this is a rough draft which I am sure you deem amenable to revisions so I am going to use this opportunity to request a clearer explanation of some points.

1) When I read the first bullet point, I got the impression that your piechart representation of Nigerian ethnicities has only 4 sectors. To wit: Hausa 25%, Yoruba 22%, Igbo 20% and Others 33%. I am going to work with your piechart.

a)It was unclear to me, to say the least, when I read the second bullet point to discover that you are proposing a rotational presidency amongst, NOT JUST the three well-known major ethnic groups, BUT POSSIBLY a FOURTH MAJOR ethnic group. For this single term of 5 years, which ethnic group should we consider the 4th major ethnic group?

b)If your answer is that the 4th sector of your piechart is essentially what you had in mind, are there modalities for working out which of the other numerous ethnicities gets the "favor" of being in consideration for this rotational presidency?


2)Perhaps my main confusion lies with Points 3 and 4

a)If I am not mistaken, you were NOT proposing that the representatives of a people in any given state (i.e Senators and Congressmen/women so to say) be chosen/elected arbitrarily by people who are not citizens of that state, were you?

b) Do you see any problem with your recommendation that no less than 75% of the National Assembly should be from minority ethnic groups when your piechart pegs the number at 33%?

Thanks.

___________________
Agbalụchaa Ngene, ekulu nwa Ngene ñụọ.

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It was unclear to me, to say the least, when I read the second bullet point to discover that you are proposing a rotational presidency amongst, NOT JUST the three well-known major ethnic groups, BUT POSSIBLY a FOURTH MAJOR ethnic group. For this single term of 5 years, which ethnic group should we consider the 4th major ethnic group?

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If I am not mistaken, you were NOT proposing that the representatives of a people in any given state (i.e Senators and Congressmen/women so to say) be chosen/elected arbitrarily by people who are not citizens of that state, were you?

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Teddy:

I have to say that your proposal is very interesting. I see a lot of common sense in your conscious desire to try unique methods since it appears that the “tried and tested” methods have been simply underwhelming.

I can understand the procedure you mapped out for presidential elections. It was neat, straightforward and I daresay revolutionary.

That said however, there are parts of your submission that I am not yet fully convinced of their practicality. Therefore I wish to ask a few more questions. Remember, I am simply ruminating on your proposition.


1) 75% of the National Assembly (i.e. the Senate and the House of Representatives) will come from the “aggregation of all the minority ethnic groups that make up 33 percent” of the total population.

a) In the current arrangement, there are 3 senators for each of the 36 states and 1 senator for the FCT—each serving 4-year terms. In your setup, are you sticking with 109 senators? If not, how many senators do you envision?

b) In the current arrangement, there are 360 members for the lower House of Representatives. Are you going to modify this number?

c) Since 75% of the National Assembly will come from the 4th sector of your pie chart, how will the remaining 25% be shared between the remaining three major ethnic groups?


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As stated above that is precisely what is intended in this proposal. That is the national assembly is chosen by voters outside of their electoral area. Keep in mind that these assembly candidates are first voted for by their constituents, and are presented as a slate to the major ethnic groups who will have a final selection from the list of candidates provided.

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In the current arrangement, there are 3 senators for each of the 36 states and 1 senator for the FCT—each serving 4-year terms. In your setup, are you sticking with 109 senators? If not, how many senators do you envision?

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In the current arrangement, there are 360 members for the lower House of Representatives. Are you going to modify this number?

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Since 75% of the National Assembly will come from the 4th sector of your pie chart, how will the remaining 25% be shared between the remaining three major ethnic groups?

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Ideally, the proposal calls for 2 senators per state, and 1 for the FCT. Thus making it a total of 73 senators. Hence, 54 would be from the minority representation.

The model calls for 4 representatives of the lower house per state, i.e. a total of 144. However, since 25% would come from the majority group, there will be 108 reps from the minority groups and 36 reps from the majority group.

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For example, if 20 prospective assembly candidates are chosen by the south east voters, their names will be presented to the other "two major" groups, who will select from the slate 12 people as assembly representatives of the south east area. Vice -versa for the other major groups.

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The President We Don’t Need and Atiku a Pro-Democracy Activist?
By
Ibrahim Salihu
abraham_salihu@yahoo.co.uk

His Excellency, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, GCON, Turaki Adamawa and Vice-President, Federal Republic of Nigeria, is a man of means, who has generated stupendous wealth for himself and his associates. As a young man of 23, he had joined the Nigeria Customs Service, rising, twenty years later to the rank of Deputy Director [the equivalent of today’s Deputy Comptroller-General].

Using his resources and contacts, he went into business for himself. He then followed up with investments in oil, freight-forwarding, insurance, agriculture and publishing.

The Nigerian environment has indeed been kind to Atiku Abubakar. His foray into mainstream Nigerian politics began in the late 1980s, when he warmed his way into the People’s Front of Nigeria [PFN], a political association founded by the amiable Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua [Rtd.] who had served as Number Two in the then military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo. With the death of Yar’Adua in the custody of General Sani Abacha, Atiku Abubakar emerged as the de facto leader of his late mentor’s political machinery. He put the apparatus [now known as the People’s Democratic Movement] into use, scheming it to become one of the pillars of the People’s Democratic Party [PDP, which is today the dominant party in Nigerian politics. Possibly in deference to the memory of his erstwhile deputy [Yar’Adua], Chief Olusegun Obasanjo named Atiku Abubakar his running mate in the presidential election of 1998. They both assumed office in May 1999 as President and Vice-President respectively.

Effectively, Atiku was the controller of the ruling PDP, a confidant of the President, Chairman of the National Economic Council, Chairman of the National Council on Privatisation, among other influential positions and roles. He had access to political and economic power, and dispensed and traded in patronage at will! The Nigerian Press had portrayed him as an icon of Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, hero of the struggle for democracy, a man of the people, and generous friend of the media. This society could not have been kinder to any other individual.

Then came the crunch, and the treachery! Abubakar Atiku and his co-travellers have been the principal beneficiaries of the present post-military dispensation, particularly in the first term [1999-2003]. As the Obasanjo reform agenda firmed up and took roots, entrenched selfish interests began to feel the pinch, and react negatively, like bad losers. Discerning Nigerians would recall the Privatisation Programme re-visited, the restoration of the FCT Master Plan, strengthening of Due Process, Reforms in the Civil Service, Political Reform, among others.

As is well-known, acknowledged and appreciated, the deepening sanity in the conduct of Government business and public affairs has upset a lot of people whose predatory interests are represented by fifth columnists in the present administration.

One of the facts of nature [and this includes humanity] is that error would eventually float on the surface. After all the subterfuges and pretensions to loyalty and patriotism, latent motives have become manifest. VP Atiku Abubakar has not only lamely alleged that his boss has a ‘‘Third Term’ agenda, but indicated his desire to run for the highest office in the land come 2007.

Whether or not the Nigerian Constitution is amended to include a third term option for political office holders, the point is that elections must be held next year – whether the current VP likes it or not. As a Nigerian citizen, Atiku Abubakar is entitled to aspire to any office in the polity. The snag, however, is that he is adopting under-hand tactics in the pursuit of his goals. Surely, a man of his presumed stature should be able to generate his own platform for such pursuits. It is strange that he has opted to undermine the integrity of the administration that has tolerated him these past seven years.

The opportunistic and predatory antecedents of the PDM in the post-Yar’Adua era are well known. At all tiers of governance, they have schemed their members into office, helped themselves liberally, and turn out to demonstrate their generosity through hand-outs and other forms of patronage – for a price, of course!

Is democracy about ‘handing over’ to one’s deputy? Is the VP informing Nigerians that he expected Obasanjo to ‘hand-over’ to him in May 2007 without due process? Why did it take him this long to betray his boss? Is that his notion of ‘stabilising’ democracy in Nigeria? This is the crux of the matter

Is this the kind of person Nigerians want to be their President? People of clouded purpose should no longer be allowed to enter the places of leadership in this country. And neither can th